www.montereycountynow.com november 28-december 4, 2024 MONTEREY COUNTY WEEKLY 19 It’s hard to imagine today, looking at Salinas City Council, where six of seven members are Latino in a city where 80 percent of the population is Latino. But 35 years ago, when Salinas’ population was 51-percent Latino, no Latino had ever been elected to the City Council. Simon Salinas, who went on to serve on the County Board of Supervisors and in the State Assembly, became the city’s first-ever Latino councilmember in 1989, two years after he joined a federal Voting Rights Act lawsuit against the city, compelling the city to transition from at-large to district-based elections. The concept is that candidates of a disenfranchised minority group might not be able to win in a citywide election, even if they are popular in their community. Under the 1965 federal legislation, minority candidates are required to have a fair shot at representation. California followed with its own version of the Voting Rights Act in 2002, and in the 22 years since then, district elections have surged. Prior, only 29 cities in California held elections that way; today, hundreds of cities and school districts, plus all 58 counties in California, have transitioned away from at-large to district-based elections. “It’s not that these 600-plus jurisdictions were all violating anyone’s voting rights or civil rights,” Douglas Johnson, president of National Demographics Corporation, told Seaside City Council on the evening of Thursday, Nov. 21. Many of them were making a strategic choice to avoid costly litigation: Faced with threats of lawsuits from voting rights groups, city leaders determined it would be more sensible—and cheaper—to transition, even if minority residents are currently empowered to run for and win elected office. Such is the case in Seaside, where Johnson was presenting his initial analysis showing that Black and Latino candidates have a track record of success citywide, rather than in a precinct or two that get overridden. “It is a consistent story of African American and Latino candidates running and being elected,” Johnson said. At present, two members, or 40 percent, of the five-person council are Black (compared to 11 percent of the voting-age citizen population) and one (20 percent) is Latino, compared to 28 percent of the voting-age citizen population. Johnson suggested that transitioning to district-based elections could have the inverse effect of diluting minority voters. But that may not preempt a Voting Rights Act lawsuit. Karla Lobo, who ran unsuccessfully for mayor on Nov. 5, requested on behalf of the Central Coast Democratic Socialists of America the city consider the electoral transformation. “Though we are not asking formally now, you may find yourself in the future with a legal demand to proceed,” she said. Just a few miles away, Pacific Grove City Council has already agreed to proceed with a transition from at-large to district-based elections, and will begin drafting maps. In a tiny city like P.G., population 15,125, each of the six districts will have just 2,521 people. Unlike Seaside, Pacific Grove’s population is majority white, 80 percent. An analysis, also conducted by the firm National Demographics Corporation, shows the transition is unlikely to empower any underrepresented group: There is no geographic concentration of Latino, Asian American or Black voters in P.G., NDC found. Pacific Grove’s transition is the result of the threat of legal action—even though the transition is unlikely to empower minority candidates. I asked Simon Salinas, one of the architects of this system, what to make of these transitions in small cities or mostly-white cities (or majority-minority cities) where at-large elections are less likely to empower certain racial groups of voters. He still believes it’s good policy, for the reasons that make local government effective. “It encourages more people to run, because it cuts down on the cost to campaign,” he says. “It doesn’t take that many votes to get elected.” Then there’s actual governing: “It helps them stay closer to the sentiment in the communities,” Salinas says. “It gives you a closer view of what is happening at the street level. It makes it more democratic.” Johnson told Seaside City Council there are two ways to approach the idea—one from a legal compliance perspective and one from a policy perspective. The latter has yet to be discussed. Sara Rubin is the Weekly’s editor. Reach her at sara@montereycountynow.com. Inside the Lines Redistricting can improve the diversity of local government, but not always. By Sara Rubin Out of Step…The mechanisms by which Squid determines things in the lair are glorious and precise, thanks to Squid’s big eyes and many arms. Food or not food? Almost always food. Weapon or miscellaneous pointy object? The tap of a tentacle can tell the difference. Things seem to be a little more complicated for Monterey County Sheriff Tina Nieto and District Attorney Jeannine Pacioni, who disagree on whether a crime was committed by an employee in the Monterey County Jail. Three weeks after Deputy Gaspar Estevez was arrested on Nov. 7 on charges of criminal conspiracy and concealing a handmade weapon (a shank) provided to him by an inmate, Pacioni announced Nov. 25 there would be no charges filed. A couple of hours later, Nieto sent out her own statement asserting that she believed a crime had, in fact, occurred, but added, “It is up to the District Attorney to make a decision on whether or not to file charges.” Squid knows these two offices serve as checks and balances for public safety and the law: The Sheriff’s Office investigates and reports its findings on the basis of probable cause, while the DA decides whether the evidence supports criminal charges, with proof beyond a reasonable doubt. But when Squid’s eyes see one thing and Squid’s tentacles feel another, how does Squid know where to find Squid’s dinner? Term Limits…In the sea, shortterm rentals are a regular thing. The noisy, partying sea lion visitors and stinky sardine tourists in Monterey are just two recent examples. So Squid gets why the Monterey County Board of Supervisors was keen to finally pass an ordinance regulating such rentals on Aug. 27, after 14 years of wrangling. It went into effect on Oct. 14, capping shortterm rentals at 4 percent per inland planning area of unincorporated Monterey County and regulating how they will operate and what fees owners must pay. This was not to the liking of the Monterey County Vacation Rental Alliance, which filed a lawsuit against the board in Monterey County Superior Court on Nov. 20. The MCVRA argues property owners’ federal and state constitutional rights are being violated because the board is interfering with their ability to do business. They state that short-term renters and owners were prejudiced against during proceedings with the unfair assumption that the renters will be “detrimental to the social fabric.” They contend that if the homes were left vacant instead of rented out to vacationers, “bad stuff can happen.” They’re asking a judge to void the law. Squid was unaware that “bad stuff” is a legal argument. And while not all short-term renters are bad actors, some are indeed noisy, stinky and worth reining in, especially in residential neighborhoods. the local spin SQUID FRY THE MISSION OF MONTEREY COUNTY WEEKLY IS TO INSPIRE INDEPENDENT THINKING AND CONSCIOUS ACTION, ETC. “It makes it more democratic.” Send Squid a tip: squid@montereycountynow.com
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